THE FORTRESS

CHAPTER 5

DISPUTES, DECAY AND DEVELOPMENT

As with all great civilizations, the fortunes of the Roman Empire constantly ebbed and flowed throughout the whole of its existence and often these various peaks and troughs were reflected in their 300 year occupation of Chester. During these three centuries, the fortress was subjected to extensive periods of decay and destruction, most followed almost immediately by phases of development and renewal to the actual fabric of the base. These regular changes in the fortresses fortunes tended to reflect the ever-changing priorities within the Empire itself and the prolonged restlessness of the many native peoples whose lands had been invaded by the legions and who continued to resist the on-going occupation of their homelands.

In order to more clearly identify potential reasons for these obvious periods of decay and development within the fortress itself, it is probably useful to both clarify and elaborate on the known chronology of events that were particularly relevant to Chester throughout the period of the Roman occupation. Almost all of these reported events are generally large scale and national in their nature, as no actual records exist that might offer specific details regarding local disputes which might have had a serious impact on the continued development of the fortress.

Between 47 and 60 AD the native Welsh tribes waged a series of fairly successful guerilla campaigns against the Roman army which compelled the legions to establish a series of temporary bases in the region. The Ordovices of North Wales, led by the ousted tribal warlord Caractacus were central to this opposition, as were the leaders of the Druidic religion based on the island of Anglesey. In around 51 AD Ostorius Scapula, the Roman commander met and defeated Caractacus and his Welsh army at the battle of Caer Caradock, and thus effectively ended the tribal warlord’s military threat against the Roman forces.

Between 58 and 59 AD Suetonius Paulinus the new governor of Britain launched a major military campaign against the tribes of North West Wales and the Druids on the island of Anglesey. The Romans considered the Druids to be little more than uncivilized savages who practiced human sacrifice as part of their rituals and who exerted a rebellious influence on the native peoples. Towards the end of 59 AD Paulinus after finally having managed to cross the Menai Straits which protected the island and its inhabitants, then set about obliterating all traces of the Druidic religion by massacring its priests and destroying all of their sacred sites.

In around 60 AD Boudicca, the wife and widow of the late Iceni king Prasutagus, was reported to have been publicly flogged and her daughters raped by the Roman forces that had been sent to acquire the lands and possessions of her late husband. The Iceni were a proud, war-like people and in response to this unforgivable insult they rebelled against Roman rule and their allies with unimaginable ferocity. At Colchester, Boudicca and her army attacked and burnt the town and massacred all of its inhabitants and later routed the Ninth Legion which had been sent to intercept her. Moving on London, the Iceni army easily overcame the relatively unprotected settlement and forced the Roman governor Paulinus to retreat, leaving the town to be totally destroyed and all of its inhabitants killed.

St Albans was the next settlement to suffer a similar fate, with old tribal scores being settled at the same time. Paulinus in the meantime, had managed to re-group his forces and joined with two other Legions and their auxiliaries to face Boudicca's army in a battle which would determine the fate of Roman Britain. Although he was vastly outnumbered, Paulinus and Roman military discipline eventually won the day with some 80,000 British casualties reported against several hundred Roman losses. Rather than be taken prisoner Boudicca was said to have taken poison in order to escape the Roman's certain revenge upon her.

From around 69 AD through to 70 AD a civil war raged within the Roman Empire which had the potential to divide, if not completely destroy the very fabric of its influence and power. Two diametrically opposed parties vied with one another for political control of the immensely rich and powerful Empire and in doing so, threatened to bring about its very end. The Roman Legions, the source of the Empire’s power began to take sides in the dispute and this would ultimately lead to questions being asked as to their loyalty and to a general level of uncertainty within the army itself. Rather than risk any potential mutiny or unrest among the Legions, Roman commanders are thought to have scaled back military campaigns throughout the period and recalled units to their established bases within the British mainland.

The native tribesmen of Britain were not slow to fully exploit these temporary withdrawals and to take full advantage of them. The Brigantes tribe who inhabited large parts of Lancashire and Yorkshire found their pro-Roman queen Cartimandua usurped by her ex-husband Venutius, who was fiercely opposed to the Roman occupation and who attempted to break away from their control. The Roman General Petilius Cerialis commanding two Legions and supported by Julius Agricola who led the 20th Legion began a series of campaigns against the Brigantes, which would end with the death of Ventius and the establishment of a legionary fortress at York. While Cerialis was leading his two legions in the east of the region, Agricola and the 20th were located on the western side of the Pennines, making their way northward to finally meet up with Cerialis’ legions at Carlisle.

These early native rebellions and the subsequent legionary retaliatory strikes all preceded the actual building of the permanent fortress at Chester by some years and consequently would have had no direct affect on its construction. The burial urn which was discovered at the Chester fortress and said to date from around 60 AD was almost certainly deposited by the military garrison of a temporary base which pre-dated the much later permanent fortress. It is entirely possible that this earlier base was first built in support of Didius Gallus in his campaigns against the northern Brigantes tribe between 52 and 57 AD

The later campaigns undertaken by Julius Agricola and the governor of Britain Petilius Cerialis which commenced in 71 AD, probably marked the period when the site at Chester was once again identified as a possible location to site a permanent military base. Given later archaeological evidence, such as the lead pipes assigned to Julius Agricola, it seems likely that a defensive position was constructed near to the River Dee, if only to support the Roman forces that were campaigning in the region around that time.

Some three years later, between 74 and 77 AD a new governor Julius Frontinus was known to have begun a series of campaigns against the Welsh tribes that would finally lead to the establishment of much more substantial and permanent legionary fortresses at both Chester and Caerleon. In subsequent campaigns against the Silures of South Wales and the Ordovices of North Wales, Frontinus effectively secured the whole of the region with the construction of these two new bases, added to the one which was already being constructed at York.

Twelve months later Julius Agricola, who had now been promoted to provincial governor had returned to Britain and set about reinforcing the gains made by Julius Frontinus in the preceding three years. Following the destruction of a Roman cavalry contingent in 78 AD he finally crushed the troublesome Ordovices of North Wales and virtually exterminated the whole tribe in the process. In the following year Agricola led a rapid and hard hitting campaign against the Brigantes tribe and as a result effectively ended all opposition in north-west Britain and Wales. In around 84 AD Agricola was said to have begun a series of campaigns against a number of Scottish tribes, including the Votadini, who were a sub-tribe of the much larger Gododdin people. Records suggest that he was supported in these campaigns by his former comrades in the 20th Legion Valeria Victrix who would later garrison the fortress at Chester.

The 20th Legion arrived at their new garrison in around 87 AD, following their three year campaign against the Caledonian tribes of Scotland. The base that they inherited was in relatively good order, but many of the timber framed buildings and some of the elements of the fortresses infrastructure were now showing the effects of the regions extremely damp conditions and nearly twenty years of general wear and tear. Allied to the need for decent long-term accommodation, there appears to have been a great mood of confidence within the empire itself and this was expressed both in the scale and design of buildings from the period.

By 102 AD the timber defences of the fortress were gradually being replaced by a much more permanent and formidable sandstone alternative. Throughout the next eighteen years several major rebuilding phases were to take place within the fortress, but seemingly on a relatively ad-hoc basis. This piecemeal approach may be explained by regular absences of particular army units for other military duties throughout the province and within the region. This reduction in the fortresses manpower would almost certainly have resulted in building projects being strictly prioritized, with the more important military structures being built first and the less vital ones being put on hold indefinitely, or until such time as the absent units returned to their home bases.

Between 120 and 140 AD there was thought to have been a much reduced garrison at the fortress, because of the additional manpower required for the construction of Hadrian’s Wall and the later, more northerly Antonine Wall. The 20th Legion is also thought to have garrisoned part or all of this latter defensive structure for an extensive period of time. This reassignment of part of the Legions force was generally reflected in the curtailment of many of the major building projects that were taking place at Chester. It has also been suggested that the fortress’ amphitheatre fell into a period of disrepair sometime before 150 AD and in some parts of the base, former residences and legionary accommodations were regularly being used as refuse tips or latrines or were semi-derelict.

The construction or rebuilding of both temporary and permanent bases was the responsibility of the troops that were stationed there and despite his primary role as a soldier, he was also expected to learn the many construction techniques that were necessary to house himself and his comrades in some sort of safety and comfort. Much of a legionnaire’s life was made up of back-breaking construction work, with the military side of his character only shown as and when the occasion demanded. Unit loyalty and comradeship no doubt helped to offset much of the drudgery involved with such building work and competition between different units and legions is evident by the regular marking of new constructions by those that had undertaken the task. While units were absent from their home bases for what could be extended periods of time, only the most fundamental structures were maintained by those that remained behind and it wasn’t unusual for buildings to remain abandoned or semi-derelict until such time as their former occupants finally returned to repair them.

Hadrian’s Wall was conceived by the Emperor Hadrian in 122 AD whilst he was visiting Britain and this massive undertaking was started in the same year and was generally completed in around 136 AD, with some major alterations being undertaken in 124 AD. Stretching from Newcastle-upon-Tyne to Bowness-on-Solway some 73 miles away, it featured a large number of small forts or mile-castles evenly spaced throughout its length each of which was separated by two individual watch towers. In addition to these, a further 16 front line forts were added to its defenses after the main construction had been completed. The wall itself was approximately 21 feet high in total and 7-10 ft deep and was itself protected by a ditch or fosse at its front.  These defensive ditches were generally positioned to offer the Roman defenders an optimum throwing distance for their spears, ballistae and catapults which could then rain down missiles on any attacking army.

Built on the orders of the Emperor Antoninus Pius around 142 AD, the Antonine Wall was designed to shift the existing frontiers further north from the earlier Hadrian’s Wall.  Once completed the wall was approximately 40 miles long and stretched from Bridgeness to Old Kilpatrick. The wall was constructed of a thick stone foundation, topped with cut turf and included a wooden walkway at its peak. Evidence suggests that legionary’s from the 20^th Legion were also detached from the main force which were stationed at the wall to a number of other postings. Men from the Valeria Victrix were reported to have been involved in the construction work which took place at Corbridge in Northumbria.

A new period of rebuilding and restructuring at Chester around 160 AD suggests that the garrison had substantially recovered its numbers, possibly due to the return of the 20^th Legion from the northern frontiers of the Empire. In around 196 AD there appears to have been some slight destruction of the civilian area, the Vicus, which was just outside of the fortresses eastern defenses, but the cause of the destruction has never been clearly identified and could have simply been due to the outbreak of disease or possibly civil disorder.

Also around 196 AD and following the assassination of the Emperor Commodus another internal dispute occurred within the Empire, when Albinus, the Roman governor of Britain directly opposed the rule of the Emperor Severus and took troops from the province to settle his argument by force of arms. Sadly for Albinus, he was defeated by Severus in 197 AD, but not before a northern tribe the Maeatae and other allies of the Brigantes had attacked and overran the defenses at Hadrian’s Wall and destroyed everything in their path up to the Roman fortress at York. As part of this “British Force” it is almost certain that units of the 20^th Legion would have been used by Albinus in his unsuccessful challenge and records suggest that his forces suffered heavy losses, which would have seriously depleted the fortresses legionary manpower.  

Following the defeat of Albinus’ forces and the suppression of the Maeatae, the new governor Virius Lupus had been appointed by 197 AD and set about restoring order within the province. The 20^th Legion was eventually restored to its full strength, possibly through the introduction of other military units from the continent and the fortresses defenses were substantially strengthened around 200 AD. The Emperor Severus campaigned in Britain and it was during his reign that the systematic refurbishment of the Chester fortress was started and continued for subsequent generations. It was also during his rule that major reforms in military policy were introduced, which permitted legionary’s to marry and to quarter their families in and around the area of the fortress. This new phase of rebuilding ordered by Severus was continued through to the first part of the 3^rd Century by the soldiers of the 20^th Legion, but it’s thought that men from the 2^nd Legion Augusta were also present at the fortress around this time and may have taken part in the actual refurbishment of the base. Elsewhere in Britain, such mixed garrisons were fairly commonplace and were often used as a method of supplementing an under-strength legionary force.

By the middle of the 3^rd Century, around 250 AD, the 20^th Legion was still garrisoned at the Chester fortress, in name at least. Detachments were known to be active in northern Britain, the Rhine and the Danube and in about 260 AD; men from the legion were known to have been stationed around Hadrian’s Wall. Other units from the Valeria Victrix were also thought to have been part of the military forces of the usurper Carausius towards the end of the third century in around 283 AD

By around 285 AD large areas of the fortress were known to have been fully paved and there seems to have been a reduction in the actual numbers of military buildings within the fortress. This in itself may be indicative of reduced garrison strength, or simply implies a mixed garrison of military and civilian inhabitants. Coins paid to legionary’s who served under Carausius have been found at the fortress and these strongly suggest that elements of the 20^th Legion were still present in the fortress around this time. The northern defenses of the fortress were thought to have been completely rebuilt in around 300 AD, perhaps as a direct result of earlier troubles, but this rebuilding has been attributed by some experts to the later medieval period. Tombstones from the nearby Roman cemeteries were used in the rebuilding of the north wall, but fail to help adequately identify the actual period of the reconstruction.

It has been suggested that the actual military garrison of 300 AD had itself been reduced in number and that the wives and children of the legionary’s were now quartered within the fortress itself. Buildings such as the Principia and Praetorium were still occupied at the time, but it is uncertain whether their purpose was now military or civilian. Constantius Chlorus undertook a series of campaigns against the Picts in around 306 AD and it is thought that military units from the Chester fortress formed part of his Roman forces. It isn’t entirely clear though, whether or not these detachments were legionary’s in the strictest sense of the word, or merely an auxiliary force of some description. Some experts believe that Chlorus may have been responsible for actually disbanding or merging the remaining units of the 20^th Legion during his British campaigns and this might help to explain their sudden later disappearance.

Towards the end of the Roman military occupation of Britain, a series of internal disputes within the Empire once again resulted in the serious depletion of legionary manpower throughout the province. Although these power struggles were in themselves, not unusual, their coinciding with a resurgence of raiding by bands of Scottish and Irish tribesmen who were poised to take advantage of any distraction on the part of the Roman forces, resulted in the situation being far more critically important.

In 367 AD the northwest region of Britain was reported to have been attacked by marauding Scottish tribesmen allied to a people called the Attacotti who had swept across the Irish Sea and began assailing Roman settlements all along the western coast of Britain. After several unsuccessful attempts these raiders were finally driven out of the area by a Roman general called Theodosius and although it seems unlikely that the fort at Chester was actually taken by these raiders, the very fact that they were able to infiltrate and ransack the area would seem to indicate the absence of a substantial military force at the base.

Around 383 AD, a Spanish born Roman general called Magnus Maximus, serving in Britain, was elevated to the status of Emperor by his soldiers and immediately set about opposing the will of the legitimate western Emperor Gratian who was based across the channel in Roman-controlled Gaul. Maximus withdrew military forces from Britain in order to confront his opponent and after defeating Gratian established his new court at Trier. He was recognised by the other two Emperors’, Theodosius in the east and Valentinian II in the south as an equal and now ruled over the territories of Britain, Gaul and Spain.

For the next four years Maximus was content to rule over and consolidate his new kingdom and during the period was even converted to Christianity. Unfortunately for him, after this fairly peaceful interval, he began to feel that his rule was under threat from Gratian’s younger brother, the southern Emperor Valentinian and began to make preparations to oust his counterpart. Mobilising his forces, Maximus invaded Italy and quickly took Milan and then moved on to besiege Rome itself. For nearly a year he held the city captive and it was only with the arrival of additional forces that he was finally able to capture the city, although he failed to detain Valentinian himself, which would prove to be a fateful mistake.

The ousted Valentinian managed to make his way to the court of Theodosius, the eastern Emperor, who was so outraged by the actions of Maximus that he raised an army to settle the matter by force of arms. Twice defeated at Illyricum, Maximus was finally killed, along with his son Victorius at Aquileia in 388 AD.

Legend has it, that Maximus was married to Elen the only daughter of the British king Eudaf Hen and following the death of his father-in-law had succeeded to the throne and had been known by some as Macsen Wledig. It has also been said that Maximus was supported in his military campaigns by a nephew of Eudaf Hen who was known as Cynan Meriadog. Although little is known about him, his name is associated with the later Welsh king Cunedda Wledig, who brought the Scottish-based Votadini people to Wales some forty or so years later.  

In the twenty years following the death of Magnus Maximus, Britain was known to have been under the control of a series of weak western Emperor’s, who failed to properly reinforce the legions that were stationed there and were unable to prevent the increasing number of incursions that were taking place in the provinces of Gaul and Spain.

It was as a direct response to these attacks that the second and final withdrawal of Roman troops from the British province took place. A native Briton, whose name and date of birth is not known, was once again raised to the status of Emperor by the army. Taking the title of Constantine III, he rallied the majority of the troops in Britain and crossed the channel to drive out the bands of Vandals, Burgundians, and Huns that were regularly raiding the continent. Having successfully quelled these hordes, Constantine quickly gained recognition from his two reigning counterparts and established his court at Aragon in Spain.

Although remnants of the Roman military and administrative classes remained in Britain, the withdrawal of troops by Constantine III in 407 AD is widely regarded as the final Roman evacuation of Britain, effectively ending 400 years of occupation. The relatively sudden departure of the legionary forces left Britain at the mercy of the numerous bands of seaborne raiders that had plagued the country for many years. Serious incursions had been prevented by the presence of the highly disciplined legions and their immense defensive structures, such as Hadrian’s Wall as well as their series of military fortresses which protected large parts of Britain.

The small number of Roman commanders that had been left behind following the final withdrawal were now compelled to seriously reassess their own positions and in some cases took the decision to establish their own personal kingdoms within the former Roman province. Without the manpower and command structure of the legions however, these relatively sparse military forces were not a very effective deterrent against the large numbers of Irish and Scottish based raiders that now seemed to be infiltrating the country at will. The wealthier, more economically developed southern settlements of Britain were a prime target for these marauding bands of pirates, but few areas of the country escaped their attentions, including the lands of Wales and what is now northwest England.

Apart from these fragmentary Roman forces, much of mainland Britain was once again held by the native tribes whose ancestors had pre-dated the occupying armies of Rome and who were once again able to control their homelands militarily. Many struggled though to resist the warlike Scottish and Irish invaders, who systematically raided and sacked large areas of the country and it was as a direct response to these increasing threats that both British and Welsh tribal leaders actively began to seek out new allies that would help them to defend their home territories.

The British king Vortigern Vorteneu who held court in Kent was thought to have been instrumental in inviting the first Saxon people to settle in these islands, a decision his people would later have cause to regret. It was thought to be in similar circumstances that the northerly Votadini people were invited to settle and defend the northern region of Wales, which was being attacked and held by Irish raiders originating from around what is now modern-day Northern Ireland.

By around 368 AD, local records suggest that the 20^th Legion were no longer the garrison force within the fortress at Chester and that they had been completely withdrawn from the region. A Scottish tribe called the Votadini, under their leader Cunedda, was reported to be protecting the city from raiders, having been asked for help by the newly emerging British leadership.

Skilled metal-workers, horsemen and warriors, the Votadini people were thought to have been a subordinate tribe of a much larger confederation of native Celts who were called the Gododdin and who inhabited the territory of Manau Gododdin near the modern-day Firth of Forth. Following the arrival of the Roman legions and the eventual subjugation of the native British tribes, the Votadini were said to have been employed by Rome as a paid auxiliary force on the northern frontiers of the Empire. They occupied the lands immediately north of Hadrian’s Wall and acted as a deterrent or buffer to any of the northern tribes that might think about attacking the Roman defenses.

As a retained auxiliary force, it seems likely that the Votadini would have liaised, trained and campaigned with both the regular and irregular units that were used by the empire on its northern borders. Some historians have suggested that as a primarily cavalry-based force they may well have trained and shared tactics with the Sarmatians, a mobile auxiliary unit known to have been employed by the Romans in their British campaigns.

These foreign units were reported to have carried hollow metal Dragon heads into battle with them and the flowing windsocks which trailed behind, gave the impression of real dragons flying above the cavalrymen as they charged towards their enemies, helping to disperse and discourage their warriors. These hollow standards were also said to have emitted a loud hissing noise as the wind flowed through them and no doubt added to the terror of the opposing native forces who would not have experienced such instruments before. Another feature of these “heavy” cavalry units which may well have been adopted by the Votadini horsemen was the wearing of chain-mail by both the rider and horse, which would have offered a high degree of protection to both. 

Although there appears to be little if any documentary evidence that the Votadini actually adopted these “Draco” standards as part of their own military tactics, it seems reasonable to assume that such an “oriental” or “eastern” emblem can only have come to Britain as part of the Roman invasion itself, through one of their own foreign military units, such as the Sarmatians. These Thracian horsemen were said to have formed a large part of Rome’s legionary cavalry units and it has been suggested that the dragons’ head that they carried into battle actually represented one of their own native deities. Historical records also suggest that a number of Roman Emperors, including Severus and Aurelianus actually adopted the dragon motif as part of their own personal imperial standard and indicates that perhaps the emblem did eventually become a commonplace design amongst the legions of Rome..

Modern day archaeological research would appear to indicate that the lands of the Votadini contained numerous hill-forts and well defended settlements, whilst at the same time having individual homesteads that offered little or no defense to any attacking force. This might suggest that their people relied on having the time to withdraw to one of the many defensive positions when danger threatened, or it might simply indicate an extremely secure and well defended territory, where there was little chance of attack by an outside enemy force. The tribal capital of the Votadini was located at Trapain Law, a forty acre hill-fort standing some 500 feet high in what is now the present day Lothian area of Scotland and was an extremely well defended site, with earthen ramparts on all sides. Large quantities of Roman silver and general wares found on this site indicate the level of day-to-day trading and partnership that existed between the Votadini and the occupying forces of Rome and the silver itself may represent payment for services offered to the Empire in helping to secure their northern borders.       

Born towards the end of the 4^th Century, the tribal leader of the Votadini was a warlord called Cunedda. As with many early British leaders, very little is known about him, owing to the lack of written records for the period. One ancient poem called the Marwnad Cunedda is said to record the Votadini’s wars against the forces of Coel Hen, a former commander in the Roman army and said to be the origins for the Old King Cole nursery rhyme character. Legend has it that Cunedda was descended from Roman stock on his fathers side and that his maternal grandmother was a daughter of Cynan Meriadog who fought alongside Magnus Maximimus and was a nephew to the then British king Eudaf Hen.

It has been suggested that Cunedda’s ancestors had originally come from Wales in the first place and were in fact political refugees fleeing the occupation of their country or possibly the vengeance of Valentinian II following his defeat of Magnus Maximus at Aquileia in 388 AD. Whichever reason is true; there seems little doubt that Cunedda and his highly experienced military forces were approached by king Vortigern or some other British leader, to help defend Wales against the Irish and Scottish threat that was facing the region. Also known as Ambrosius Aurelianus, Vortigern is said to have began his rule in 424 AD. In return for their help, the Votadini were promised lands to settle and sometime around 425 AD Cunedda and his forces made the long journey from their home in the Scottish borders to the lands of North Wales.

Such was their military prowess, that before too long, the majority of the Scottish and Irish invaders had been expelled from much of Wales and only retained possession of small areas of the country and the isolated island of Anglesey. With most of the northern region secured, Cunedda then set about driving the remaining raiders out of Powys and Dyfed and effectively securing all of the lands that lay between the River Dee in the north and the River Taff in the south of Wales. For the next 800 years or so, Wales, in one form or another, would be ruled over by various dynasties, all of which claimed direct descent from Cunedda and his heirs.

Having rid the country of the invaders and established an effective military force within the borders of Wales, Cunedda then set out to consolidate his new kingdom of Gwynedd and locating his new court at Rhos, set in the heart of his new lands. At that time, the former legionary fortress at Chester lay within the borders of Wales and was regarded by the Welsh kings as being subject to their rule. It was only following the near total conquest of Britain by the Saxon peoples that brought about the repositioning of the borders between Wales and the kingdom of Mercia, which saw Chester finally captured by the Mercian king Egbert and later incorporated into a unified England.

Cunedda was awarded the title Gwledig or Wledig which it is said could be interpreted as prince or ruler over the kingdom of Cunedda’s Land or Gwledig-y-Cunedda and has been suggested as the derivation for the name “Gwyneddia”, a title which sometimes appears on old maps of the region. There is little evidence of internal opposition to Cunedda’s arrival in Wales by its native peoples, which  suggests a widespread acceptance of his right to rule and perhaps reinforces the idea that he was indeed related to the original Welsh nobility that had ruled there prior to the Roman invasion of Britain. This apparent rapid re-adoption of traditional ways, language and subservience to ancient nobles, illustrates the lack of real social change which was perhaps indicative of Roman military control in the northern areas of the province. In southern Britain there appears to have been a much greater level of Romano-British integration, which managed to survive for a much longer period, following the final withdrawal of the last Roman legions.

Compiled around 400 AD, the Notitia Dignitatum was a list of Roman official’s, dignitaries and military units that were still present in Britain at that time. This official record does not mention Roman troops being based at their Chester Command in the northwest region of the province or that any elements of the 20^th Legion were still operating anywhere within the islands of Britain.

Later archaeological excavations have not been able to clearly identify all of the latter stages of the Roman occupation at the Chester fortress but some reports suggest that by 417 AD much of Britain was being run by local magistrates or civilian authorities and this could possibly be the case in Chester. Later investigations of the fortress seem to indicate that there was no widespread or haphazard use of its buildings or its inner precincts and perhaps suggests a highly organized and well administered settlement. The Roman legions left behind them a legacy of culture and development that sadly did not last much beyond their withdrawal from Britain. Within a short period of time the entire province was under constant pressure from competing tribal groups and began to revert to a fragmentary state, where many of the improvements in communications, construction, hygiene and civil government would not be seen again for well over a thousand years.

(Next Chapter) 

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