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THE DRAGONS OF DEVA
By Phillip E Jones
Towards the end of the Roman military occupation
of Britain, a series of internal disputes within the empire resulted in a
serious depletion of legionary manpower throughout the province. Although these
power struggles were in themselves, not unusual, their coinciding with a
resurgence of raiding by bands of Scottish and Irish tribesmen who were poised
to take advantage of any distraction on the part of the Roman forces, resulted
in the situation being far more critically important.
The west and north of the province, including what is today Wales and southern
Scotland had both been centres of military resistance to Roman rule following
their conquest of Britain. In response to their continued raiding and their
blatant refusal to accept Roman supremacy, the legions conducted a series of
campaigns against the Deceangli and Ordovices in Wales and the Caledonians in
Scotland. The later writing of Roman historians, such as Tacitus, would suggest
that the two Welsh tribes were almost entirely eradicated by successive Roman
governors, as part of their military suppression of Wales and the island of
Anglesey. In Scotland too the campaigns of Julius Agricola were equally bitter
and hard fought, with his legions advancing to the Moray Firth where he crushed
the native Caledonians in a decisive battle at Mons Graupius
Given the severity of these Roman military campaigns and the recorded levels of
punishment inflicted by the legions on the native British tribes, it is little
wonder that in the following centuries and after the final Roman withdrawal, the
regions of Wales and Scotland were left relatively unprotected from the threat
of attack.
Around 383 AD, a Spanish born Roman general called Magnus Maximus, serving in
Britain, was elevated to the status of Emperor by his soldiers and immediately
set about opposing the will of the legitimate western Emperor Gratian who was
based across the channel in Roman-controlled Gaul. Maximus withdrew military
forces from Britain in order to confront his opponent and after defeating
Gratian established his new court at Trier. He was recognised by the other two
Emperors’, Theodosius in the east and Valentinian II in the south as an equal
and now ruled over the territories of Britain, Gaul and Spain.
For the next four years Maximus was content to rule over and consolidate his new
kingdom and during the period was even converted to Christianity. Unfortunately
for him, after this fairly peaceful interval, he began to feel that his rule was
under threat from Gratian’s younger brother, the southern Emperor Valentinian
and began to make preparations to oust his counterpart.
Mobilising his forces, Maximus invaded Italy and quickly took Milan and then
moved on to besiege Rome itself. For nearly a year he held the city captive and
it was only with the arrival of additional forces that he was finally able to
capture the city, though he failed to detain Valentinian himself, which would
prove to be a fateful mistake.
The ousted Valentinian managed to make his way to the court of Theodosius, the
eastern Emperor, who was so outraged by the actions of Maximus that he raised an
army to settle the matter by force of arms. Twice defeated at Illyricum, Maximus
was finally killed, along with his son Victorius at Aquileia in 388 AD.
Legend has it, that Maximus was married to Elen the only daughter of the British
king Eudaf Hen and following the death of his father-in-law had succeeded to the
throne and had been known by some as Macsen Wledig. It has also been said that
Maximus was supported in his military campaigns by a nephew of Eudaf Hen who was
known as Cynan Meriadog. Although little is known about him, his name is
associated with the later Welsh king Cunedda Wledig, who brought the
Scottish-based Votadini people to Wales some forty or so years later.
In the twenty years following the death of Magnus Maximus, Britain was under the
control of a series of weak western Emperor’s, who failed to properly reinforce
the legions that were stationed there and to prevent the increasing number of
incursions that were taking place in the provinces of Gaul and Spain.
It was as a direct response to these attacks that the second and final
withdrawal of Roman troops from the British province took place. A native
Briton, whose name and date of birth is not known, was raised to the status of
Emperor by the army. Taking the title of Constantine III, he rallied the
majority of the troops in Britain and crossed the channel to drive out the bands
of Vandals, Burgundians, and Huns that were raiding the continent. Having
successfully quelled the hordes, Constantine quickly gained recognition from his
two reigning counterparts and established his court at Aragon in Spain.
Although remnants of the Roman military and administrative classes remained in
Britain, the withdrawal of troops by Constantine III in 407 AD is widely
regarded as the final Roman evacuation of Britain and ended their 400 years of
occupation. The relatively sudden departure of the legionary forces left Britain
at the mercy of the numerous bands of seaborne raiders that had plagued the
country for many years. Serious incursions had been prevented by the presence of
the highly disciplined legions and their immense defensive structures, such as
Hadrian’s Wall as well as their series of military fortresses which protected
large parts of Britain.
The small number of Roman commanders that had been left behind following the
final withdrawal were now compelled to seriously reassess their own positions
and in some cases took the decision to establish their own personal kingdoms
within the former Roman province. Without the manpower and command structure of
the legions however, these relatively sparse military forces were not a very
effective deterrent against the large numbers of Irish and Scottish based
raiders that were now infiltrating the country at will. The wealthier, more
economically developed southern settlements of Britain were a prime target for
these marauding bands of pirates, but few areas of the country escaped their
attentions, including the lands of Wales and what is now northwest England.
Apart from these fragmentary Roman forces, much of mainland Britain was once
again held by the native tribes whose ancestors had pre-dated the occupying
armies of Rome and were once again able to control their homelands militarily.
Many struggled though, to resist the warlike Scottish and Irish invaders who
systematically raided and sacked large areas of the country and it was as a
direct response to these increasing threats that compelled both British and
Welsh tribal leaders to actively seek out new allies that would help them to
defend their home territories.
The British king Vortigern Vorteneu who held court in Kent was thought to have
been instrumental in inviting the first Saxon people to settle in these islands,
a decision his people would later have cause to regret. It was thought to be in
similar circumstances that the northerly Votadini people were invited to settle
and defend the northern region of Wales, which was being attacked and held by
Irish raiders originating from around what is now modern-day Northern Ireland.
Skilled metal-workers, horsemen and warriors, the Votadini people were thought
to have been a subordinate tribe of a much larger confederation of native Celts
who were called the Gododdin and inhabited the territory of Manau Gododdin near
the modern-day Firth of Forth. Following the arrival of the Roman legions and
the eventual subjugation of the native British tribes, the Votadini were thought
to have been employed by Rome as a paid auxiliary force on the northern
frontiers of the empire. They occupied the lands immediately north of Hadrian’s
Wall and acted as a deterrent or buffer to any of the northern tribes that might
think about attacking the Roman defences.
As a retained auxiliary force,
it seems likely that the Votadini would have liaised, trained and campaigned
with both the regular and irregular units that were used by the empire on its
northern borders. Some historians have suggested that as a primarily
cavalry-based force they may well have trained and shared tactics with the
Sarmatians, a mobile auxiliary unit employed by the Romans in their British
campaigns. These foreign units were reported to have carried hollow metal Dragon
heads into battle with them and the flowing windsocks which trailed behind, gave
the impression of real dragons flying above the horsemen as they charged towards
their enemies, helping to disperse and discourage their warriors. These hollow
standards were also said to have emitted a loud hissing noise as the wind flowed
through them and no doubt added to the terror of the opposing native forces who
would not have experienced such instruments before.
Although there appears to be little if any documentary evidence that the
Votadini actually adopted these “Draco” standards as part of their own military
tactics, it seems reasonable to assume that such an “oriental” or “eastern”
emblem can only have come to Britain as part of the Roman invasion itself,
through one of their own foreign military units, such as the Sarmatians. These
Thracian horsemen were said to have formed a large part of Rome’s legionary
cavalry units and it has been suggested that the dragons’ head that they carried
into battle actually represented one of their own native deities. Historical
records suggest that a number of Roman emperors, including Severus and
Aurelianus actually adopted the dragon motif as part of their own personal
imperial standard and indicates that perhaps the emblem did eventually become a
commonplace design amongst the legions of Rome. Another feature of these “heavy”
cavalry units which may well have been adopted by the Votadini horsemen was the
wearing of chain-mail by both the rider and horse, which offered a high degree
of protection to both.
Modern day archaeological research would appear to indicate that the lands of
the Votadini contained numerous hill-forts and well defended settlements, whilst
at the same time having individual homesteads that offered little or no defence
to any attacking force. This might suggest that the people relied on having the
time to withdraw to one of the many defensive positions when danger threatened,
or it might simply indicate an extremely secure and well defended territory,
where there was little chance of attack by an outside enemy force. The tribal
capital of the Votadini was located at Trapain Law, a forty acre hill-fort
standing some 500 feet high in what is now the present day Lothian area of
Scotland and was an extremely well defended site, with earthen ramparts on all
sides. Large quantities of Roman silver and general wares found on this site
indicate the level of day-to-day trading and partnership that existed between
the Votadini and the occupying forces of Rome and the silver itself may
represent payment for services offered to the empire in helping to secure their
northern borders.
Born towards the end of the fourth century, by around 425 AD the tribal leader
of the Votadini was a warlord called Cunedda. As with many early British
leaders, very little is known about him, owing to the lack of written records
for the period. One ancient poem called the Marwnad Cunedda is said to record
the Votadini’s wars against the forces of Coel Hen, a former commander in the
Roman army and said to be the origins for the Old King Cole nursery rhyme
character. Legend has it that Cunedda was descended from Roman stock on his
fathers side and that his maternal grandmother was a daughter of Cynan Meriadog
who fought alongside Magnus Maximimus and was a nephew to the then British king
Eudaf Hen.
It has been suggested that Cunedda’s ancestors had originally come from Wales in
the first place and were political refugees fleeing the occupation of their
country or possibly the vengeance of Valentinian II following his defeat of
Magnus Maximus at Aquileia in 388 AD. Whichever reason is true; there seems
little doubt that Cunedda and his highly experienced military forces were
approached by king Vortigern or some other British leader, to help defend Wales
against the Irish and Scottish threat that was facing the region. Also known as
Ambrosius Aurelianus, Vortigern is said to have began his rule in 424 AD. In
return for their help, the Votadini were promised lands to settle and sometime
around 425 AD Cunedda and his forces made the long journey from their home in
the Scottish borders to the lands of North Wales.
Such was their military prowess that before too long the majority of the
invaders had been expelled from much of Wales and only retained possession of
small areas of the country and the isolated island of Anglesey. With most of the
northern region secured, Cunedda then set about driving the remaining raiders
out of Powys and Dyfed and effectively securing all of the lands that lay
between the River Dee in the north and the River Taff in the south of Wales. For
the next 800 years or so, Wales, in one form or another, would be ruled over by
various dynasties, all of which claimed direct descent from Cunedda and his
heirs.
Having rid the country of the invaders and established an effective military
force within the borders of Wales, Cunedda set out to consolidate his new
kingdom of Gwynedd and locating his new court at Rhos, set in the heart of his
new lands. At that time, the former legionary fortress at Chester lay within the
borders of Wales and was regarded by the Welsh kings as being subject to their
rule. It was only following the near total conquest of Britain by the Saxon
peoples that brought about the repositioning of the borders between Wales and
the kingdom of Mercia, which saw Chester finally captured by the Mercian king
Egbert and later incorporated into a unified England.
Cunedda was awarded the title Gwledig or Wledig which it is said could be
interpreted as prince or ruler over the kingdom of Cunedda’s Land or
Gwledig-y-Cunedda and has been suggested as the derivation for the name
“Gwyneddia”, a title which sometimes appears on old maps of the region. There is
little evidence of internal opposition to Cunedda’s arrival in Wales by its
native peoples, which suggests a widespread acceptance of his right to rule and
perhaps reinforces the idea that he was indeed related to the original Welsh
nobility that had ruled there prior to the Roman invasion of Britain. This
apparent rapid re-adoption of traditional ways, language and subservience to
ancient nobles, illustrates the lack of real social change which was perhaps
indicative of Roman military control in the northern areas of the province. In
southern Britain there appears to have been a much greater level of
Romano-British integration, which managed to survive for a much longer period,
following the final withdrawal of the last Roman legions.
The dynastic clan of Cunedda and his heirs is said to have lasted for hundreds
of years following their arrival in Wales and was often the heritage claimed by
a number of later nobles to underpin their own claims to the Welsh throne. Given
that Cunedda was reported to have had at least eight sons and two daughters his
family’s name and position seems to have been reasonably secure. His extensive
kingdom of Gwynedd was thought to have been divided amongst his sons, later to
become separate regions that would be exist for centuries, including Meirionydd
and Ceredigion.
Whilst Wales was being secured by Cunedda and his Votadini forces in the west of
Britain, the south and east of the country were being swamped by an influx of
Saxon mercenaries, who had initially arrived at the request of Vortigern to help
defend Britain against marauding foreign sea-borne raiders. Unfortunately for
the British, the Saxons, under their leaders Hengest and Horsa, took the
opportunity to exploit the situation and launched their own invasion of Britain.
With his own forces depleted by years of conflict, Vortigern and his people were
no match for this new military threat and quickly found themselves being driven
further west and towards the lands of Wales by around 440 AD.
As the colonization and influence of the Saxon’s people spread throughout the
main body of Britain, its indigenous people found themselves driven further west
and north and into the British-held enclaves of modern-day Wales, Cumbria and
Scotland. In what is now southwest Scotland, near present-day Dumbarton, lay the
lands of the kingdom of Strathclyde, one of the main tribal areas of the time.
The Scottish chieftain Ceredig was thought to have lived there and it has been
suggested that he was actually related to Cunedda, or possibly an extremely
close ally. One of the Welsh leader’s sons was also called Ceredig and later
gave his name to the region of Wales called Ceredigion. These early alliances of
the isolated British-held territories continued on and off for hundreds of
years, as their leaders fought in vain to defend their territories against the
tide of Saxon settlement and attacks by other enemies.
Cunedda’s Welsh kingdom, which included the modern-day area of Shropshire
represented a safe haven for the large numbers of dissidents and opponents to
the developing Anglo-Saxon society that was growing within Britain. For the next
five hundred years the lands marking the border between the two people’s was
constantly fought over and disputed. The area surrounding the former Roman fort
at Chester was a particular source of dispute, marking as it did, a
communication centre between the Welsh and their allies who were based in
Cumbria and further north in Scotland. Legend has it, that the fortress, with
its excellent harbor facilities and well defended position was fought over many
times, being held by both sides on a number of occasions. Towards the beginning
of the 7th Century, however, the Saxons appear to have tried to solve this
situation once and for all, by taking the city and finally severing the links
between the Welsh tribes and their more northerly cousins.
In 607 AD the Northumbrian king Ethelfrith led his army to Chester and killed an
enormous number of Welsh (Britons) and in doing so fulfilled the prophecy of
Augustine that “If the Welsh will not have peace with us ,then they will perish
at the hands of the Saxons”. Also slain at this “Battle of Chester” were said to
be 200 monks from a monastery at Bangor who had been praying for a Welsh victory
and were subjected to the same fate as their warriors. The Welsh king of Powys,
Bronchmael, who had led the defeated British forces, was reported to have
finally escaped the battlefield with less than fifty of his warriors.
Having gained control of the fortress, it seems that Ethelfrith was unable to
hold it indefinitely and it has been suggested that a number of Welsh (British)
Princes later wrested control of Chester from the Northumbrians and
re-established their control over the city. For his part, Ethelfrith was
reported killed some years later while his forces were fighting the East Angles,
who following their victory took over large parts of the country and made it
their own. Within twenty years or so however, the area around the Dee estuary
was once again back under the control of the Saxons and it is likely that the
city changed hands many times during the period. A church dedicated to St John
and which is located on the eastern flank of Chester has been attributed to the
Ethelbert, king of Mercia in around 689 AD, though this construction date has
been disputed by some historians, who believe that it is a much later building.
The Saxon Chronicles which recorded the history of their peoples in Britain,
albeit in a sometimes slanted way, recalls a number of bloody battles between
their own Saxon armies and those of the Welsh (Britons). The Battle of
Catterick, which is said to have taken place sometime between 574-600 AD is
reported to mark the final action of the Gododdin people whose warriors were
completely destroyed by a much larger Saxon army. Some historians have suggested
that this defeated Welsh force was the Gododdin (aka the Votadini) that had
moved to Wales under Cunedda. Other records however, indicate that the Britons
in question were in fact the Gododdin of southern Scotland, who were defeated by
the Bernicians in 597 AD, an event commemorated in the poem “Y Gododdin”.
Some seven years after the Battle of Chester, which was previously related, two
Saxon lords, Cynegils and Cwichelm led their forces to victory over the Welsh at
Bampton, killing a reported two thousand and forty six British warriors.
Around a hundred years after the Votadini’s move to Wales, it was thought that
the kingdom established by Cunedda and his heirs was beginning to fragment due
to infighting within the family. Cynddylan was the king of Powys and Maglocunus
was the king of Gwynedd, both of who were first cousins, but had disagreed over
which of them was the rightful heir to the Welsh throne. In the coming
centuries, the final settlement and integration of the various foreign incomers
to England led to a much more unified kingdom and one that we would clearly
recognize today. For the native Welsh people themselves, their resistance and
obstinacy to Saxon rule would eventually bring about its own benefits to their
country, albeit as a result of their country being annexed and isolated by
successive English rulers.
By the end of the 7th Century, portions of the historic Welsh kingdoms, notably
Shropshire had been absorbed into England and parts of Powys were thought to
have been seized by the Saxon king Wulfhere in around 658 AD. Perhaps the most
formal division between what we now regard as England and Wales was undertaken
by King Offa in the middle of the 8th Century when he ordered the construction
of the massive defensive dyke which still bears his name and built in order to
protect his kingdom from the native Welsh that were regularly raiding along the
two countries common border.
Later English monarchs such as William the Conqueror were far more aggressive in
their attitudes to the Welsh and actively sought to suppress the native Britons
by force of arms and through the appointment of regional “Marcher” lords, such
as Robert of Rhuddlan, who exercised total military control over their
territories. Edward I (Longshanks) was another English ruler that sought to
pacify the Welsh homelands through military control and to do so, ordered the
construction of a network of castles throughout Wales, as well as the
colonization of Welsh towns by English settlers, that were completely loyal to
him. He was also responsible for creating the hereditary title of “Prince of
Wales” which has since been awarded to the eldest son of the English monarch and
today is held by Prince Charles.
The former Roman fortress at Chester, that once formed part of the Welsh
homelands and which was thought to have been protected by the Votadini after
their move from Scotland was later turned into a strategic defensive position,
which aided the English lords in their military suppression of Wales and its
native population many of who could have been direct descendants of Cunedda’s
own people.
Had they not accepted Vortigern’s invitation to move south and protect western
England from Irish and Scottish raiders, would the history of Britain be
significantly different from what we know today?
Would Wales have a dragon as its nation emblem? Would the Gododdin people of
southern Scotland have survived the later attacks of the Bernician Angles, if
they had been supported by the military strength of the Votadini?
Would the Saxon occupation of Britain been more extensive, with Wales conquered
along with the rest of the country, with no Votadini to offer resistance to
their armies and sanctuary to their enemies?
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